Reflecting on Limbaugh’s CPAC bloviations, IOZ offers this treat:
Conservatives are for opportunity, but not equality of outcomes, but we are born equal, but we succeed or fail on our own merits, but conservatives will try to stop you from failing, but if you do, that’s too bad, and we need everyone to succeed as an individual for the country to succeed, except for those who don’t, because it’s their fault, and the fault of the war on poverty, or . . . some such. The Donk is deluded by the allure of technocracy, by the notion of scientific government; the Gopster is a set of cultural phobias, affected regular-guy affinities, and catch phrases. It’s probably appropriate that they draw their inspiration and spokespeople from the ever-more-irrelevant and anachronistic medium of radio.
The Donk complains that the Republicans are crass obstructionists. Would that it were true. The contemporary GOP wears the guise of obstructionism but lacks the wherewithal to oppose effectively. Superjesus Black Reagan rules the airwaves, and the supposed opposition is sequestered away in a chintzy hotel ballroom listening to C-list newsmedia celebrities extemporize around the posthumous legacy of Romulus and Remus Ronald Reagan. If there is anything we need right now, it’s a cranky minority party that reacts with zealous incredulity at the vast outpouring of expenditure and views with innate suspicion the claims of managerial liberalism. Instead we get awkward governors mumbling anathemas at the US Geologic Survey and talk-radio hosts giving recursive stemwinders to the choir. The Donk spent eight years under George Bush getting along by going along, but as polite acquiescence seems to have been bred out of the rightward faction of national politics, they’ll endeavor to continue the trend by creating the most thunderously loud irrelevance the world has ever known.
Perfect.
Also, I believe IOZ deserves a prize for “Superjesus Black Reagan.” Could Mencken have done better?
i don't particularly care for rush limbaugh. that being said, this speech isn't anywhere near as bad as people seem to be making it out to be. i've read a lot of right-of-center bloggers and commenters knock it with a almost perfunctory 'it's rush limbaigh, so it must be bad' sentiment. i've yet to see anyone actually respond to it.
yes, it's a bit incoherent and engages in an awful lot of cheerleading, but this was a CPAC speech and not the second treatise. i've certainly heard more reactionary things in my life – pat buchanan's keynote at the '92 republican convention for instance. it wasn't 'a time for choosing', but point me in the direction of a better statement of opposition to current Democratic agenda.
can you write a post or link to a post that explicitly points out where limbaugh is wrong?
Forgive me for not innately grasping the difference between “cranky reaction with zealous incredulity” and the apparently entirely different “awkward mumbled anathemas” and “recursive stemwinders.”
Yes, the GOP “lacks the wherewithal to oppose effectively.” That would be related to having a near-irrelevant minority in Congress, with a filibuster in the Senate only being able to be sustained by a unanimous vote of three moderates.
All the libertarians who said that the GOP needed to be effectively punished for their lack of principles got their wish. But in return, the GOP lost all power to “oppose effectively.” They are left with nothing more than rhetoric, whether mere “recursive stemwinders” and “mumbling anathemas,” or the more highly praised “cranky zealous incredulity.”
“The Donk spent eight years under George Bush getting along by going along, but as polite acquiescence…”
Horseshit on stilts!
Dennis Perrin deserves credit for Black Reagan. I just added the Superjesus.
The Donk is deluded by the allure of technocracy, by the notion of scientific government;
Surely a truly scientific, results-oriented approach to governance is what underlies the consequentialist critique of too much government? And thus science can and should be used to choose the proper size of government, as well as determine how often it is worth trying to fine-tune or micromanage outcomes?
Science isn't about the illusion of playing god. That's naive science. Science is about understanding the world, including what is possible and what is impossible. Don't diss science if the people you're dissing aren't being scientific.
If your critique of governance is based on neither an empirically observed nor a folk theory of human action but rather based on intrinsic goodness or badness of having a big government, then that's a problem with your critique.
You're right, they only did that for about six of those years.
Yo mk, I'm not sure it's quite right to call the actual scientific method “results-oriented,” and I'm eager in any case to hear how it can be used to “choose the proper size of government.” Maybe we can make Mexico the control group for our little study.
OK, the actual scientific method is (when it comes to policy) about reliable methods for determining correlations between inputs and outputs. Results-oriented governance combines these (fuzzily known) input-output correlations with societal values to determine the optimal suite of government policy. The uncertainty of our predictions needs to be factored into our policy recommendations.
One way to use science to determine the proper size of government is to consider
(1) people's value-based preferences for an equal society vs. a prosperous society;
(2) what relative levels of equality vs. prosperity are in the feasible set given a variety of policies (welfare policies, taxation levels, tax regressivity, etc.);
(3) pursue the policy in the feasible set (2) which maximizes value according to criterion (1).
Of course, these steps can be taken with various degrees of actual empiricism. Instead of studying people's value preferences, one could just substitute one's own preferences. That would be a bad approximation. Alternatively, one might not have very good data about what policy choices lead to what inequality/prosperity combinations. In that case we should consider our predictions to be noisy, and decide accordingly.
But in general a framework along these lines provides a rational basis for evaluating different policy recommendations. One can also scientifically study (a la public choice economics) the transformation of a policy from its conception to “post-sausage-making.” Does rent-seeking go up? Etc.
In other words, rather than using prejudices to guide our action, we should use empiricism wherever possible. Even if it is only “partly possible” (because empirical data is limited or predictions are less reliable), it is better to make scientifically-informed predictions about the consequences of policy decisions, than it is to make bad, prejudice-driven predictions about policy efficacy. Do you disagree?
Yo mk, I'm not sure it's quite right to call the actual scientific method “results-oriented,” and I'm eager in any case to hear how it can be used to “choose the proper size of government.” Maybe we can make Mexico the control group for our little study.
OK, the actual scientific method is (when it comes to policy) about reliable methods for determining correlations between inputs and outputs. Results-oriented governance combines these (fuzzily known) input-output correlations with societal values to determine the optimal suite of government policy. The uncertainty of our predictions needs to be factored into our policy recommendations.
One way to use science to determine the proper size of government is to consider
(1) people's value-based preferences for an equal society vs. a prosperous society;
(2) what relative levels of equality vs. prosperity are in the feasible set given a variety of policies (welfare policies, taxation levels, tax regressivity, etc.);
(3) pursue the policy in the feasible set (2) which maximizes value according to criterion (1).
Of course, these steps can be taken with various degrees of actual empiricism. Instead of studying people's value preferences, one could just substitute one's own preferences. That would be a bad approximation. Alternatively, one might not have very good data about what policy choices lead to what inequality/prosperity combinations. In that case we should consider our predictions to be noisy, and decide accordingly.
But in general a framework along these lines provides a rational basis for evaluating different policy recommendations. One can also scientifically study (a la public choice economics) the transformation of a policy from its conception to “post-sausage-making.” Does rent-seeking go up? Etc.
In other words, rather than using prejudices to guide our action, we should use empiricism wherever possible. Even if it is only “partly possible” (because empirical data is limited or predictions are less reliable), it is better to make scientifically-informed predictions about the consequences of policy decisions, than it is to make bad, prejudice-driven predictions about policy efficacy. Do you disagree?