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	<title>Comments on: Equality of Opportunity is the Central Principle of Distributive Justice</title>
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	<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/</link>
	<description>The Sweet Release of Reason</description>
	<lastBuildDate>Thu, 09 Feb 2012 18:11:50 +0000</lastBuildDate>
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		<title>By: BillKorner</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7888</link>
		<dc:creator>BillKorner</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 22 Mar 2006 16:37:44 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7888</guid>
		<description>The libertarian critique of central planning has come to baffle me.  I mean, the twentieth century did, admittedly, see some regimes that claimed to be responsible for everything in society.  But the libertarian critique of these regimes is not only that they failed spectacularly, but also that there claims to omnipotence were totally bogus.

So, once we&#039;re all on the same page about the impossibility of central planning, why can&#039;t we outline a framework for what goals our country should persue (e.g. equal cultivation of individual capacities) without assuming that bringing this about is uniquely the province of governmental institutions.

This doesn&#039;t mean that libertarians are right when they say that government should not be involved AT ALL in helping us reach our goals.  Much less does it mean that, as many comments suggest, we should refrain from even discussing our goals out of fear of what government might do if it tried to help us prsue them.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The libertarian critique of central planning has come to baffle me.  I mean, the twentieth century did, admittedly, see some regimes that claimed to be responsible for everything in society.  But the libertarian critique of these regimes is not only that they failed spectacularly, but also that there claims to omnipotence were totally bogus.</p>
<p>So, once we&#8217;re all on the same page about the impossibility of central planning, why can&#8217;t we outline a framework for what goals our country should persue (e.g. equal cultivation of individual capacities) without assuming that bringing this about is uniquely the province of governmental institutions.</p>
<p>This doesn&#8217;t mean that libertarians are right when they say that government should not be involved AT ALL in helping us reach our goals.  Much less does it mean that, as many comments suggest, we should refrain from even discussing our goals out of fear of what government might do if it tried to help us prsue them.</p>
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	<item>
		<title>By: BillKorner</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7897</link>
		<dc:creator>BillKorner</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 22 Mar 2006 16:37:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7897</guid>
		<description>The libertarian critique of central planning has come to baffle me.  I mean, the twentieth century did, admittedly, see some regimes that claimed to be responsible for everything in society.  But the libertarian critique of these regimes is not only that they failed spectacularly, but also that there claims to omnipotence were totally bogus.

So, once we&#039;re all on the same page about the impossibility of central planning, why can&#039;t we outline a framework for what goals our country should persue (e.g. equal cultivation of individual capacities) without assuming that bringing this about is uniquely the province of governmental institutions.

This doesn&#039;t mean that libertarians are right when they say that government should not be involved AT ALL in helping us reach our goals.  Much less does it mean that, as many comments suggest, we should refrain from even discussing our goals out of fear of what government might do if it tried to help us prsue them.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The libertarian critique of central planning has come to baffle me.  I mean, the twentieth century did, admittedly, see some regimes that claimed to be responsible for everything in society.  But the libertarian critique of these regimes is not only that they failed spectacularly, but also that there claims to omnipotence were totally bogus.</p>
<p>So, once we&#8217;re all on the same page about the impossibility of central planning, why can&#8217;t we outline a framework for what goals our country should persue (e.g. equal cultivation of individual capacities) without assuming that bringing this about is uniquely the province of governmental institutions.</p>
<p>This doesn&#8217;t mean that libertarians are right when they say that government should not be involved AT ALL in helping us reach our goals.  Much less does it mean that, as many comments suggest, we should refrain from even discussing our goals out of fear of what government might do if it tried to help us prsue them.</p>
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	<item>
		<title>By: Dee</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7887</link>
		<dc:creator>Dee</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 19 Mar 2006 16:13:14 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7887</guid>
		<description>Will,

What are some of the problems with Liam&#039;s argument you havn&#039;t seen mentioned here?</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Will,</p>
<p>What are some of the problems with Liam&#8217;s argument you havn&#8217;t seen mentioned here?</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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	<item>
		<title>By: Dee</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7889</link>
		<dc:creator>Dee</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 19 Mar 2006 16:13:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7889</guid>
		<description>Will,

What are some of the problems with Liam&#039;s argument you havn&#039;t seen mentioned here?</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Will,</p>
<p>What are some of the problems with Liam&#8217;s argument you havn&#8217;t seen mentioned here?</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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	<item>
		<title>By: The Worldly Philosopher &#187; Blog Archive &#187; links for 2006-03-18</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7886</link>
		<dc:creator>The Worldly Philosopher &#187; Blog Archive &#187; links for 2006-03-18</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 18 Mar 2006 08:18:30 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7886</guid>
		<description>[...] Equality of Opportunity is the Central Principle of Distributive Justice If there is an amount that we could reallocate to the development of primary capacities that is smaller than the value that would thereby be created by the productive expression of those capacities in the cooperative network, then we should reallocate it. (tags: stimulation education realization cooperation contribution optimization) [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] Equality of Opportunity is the Central Principle of Distributive Justice If there is an amount that we could reallocate to the development of primary capacities that is smaller than the value that would thereby be created by the productive expression of those capacities in the cooperative network, then we should reallocate it. (tags: stimulation education realization cooperation contribution optimization) [...]</p>
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	<item>
		<title>By: Gil</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7885</link>
		<dc:creator>Gil</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 18 Mar 2006 00:27:33 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7885</guid>
		<description>Liam,

I suspect that you would have to agree with me that the costs and benefits that you have discussed are extremely difficult (if not impossible) to measure accurately.

How does your theory address the inevitable errors in redistributive policies?

For example, what if (as I suspect) the marginal benefit of spending an additional billion dollars on primary public schools does not actually exceed its costs?  Then you will have immorally (I think) obstructed many people&#039;s pursuit of their potentials.

At least in Will&#039;s world, those who misallocate resources only hurt themselves (and others who willingly cooperate with their schemes).  And, they will likely improve their theories after each mistake and will do better next time.  Perhaps the investment in public goods will be suboptimal, but optimal investment in public goods in unavailable to human beings with imperfect knowledge.

In your world, there will be a bureaucracy that will systematically victimize innocents and will be unlikely to even recognize its mistakes in many cases, let alone learn from them and improve its behavior.

So, I ask you:  Even if a perfectly designed and executed restributive policy would be just, why should anyone think that an imperfect one executed by fallible human beings would be just?</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Liam,</p>
<p>I suspect that you would have to agree with me that the costs and benefits that you have discussed are extremely difficult (if not impossible) to measure accurately.</p>
<p>How does your theory address the inevitable errors in redistributive policies?</p>
<p>For example, what if (as I suspect) the marginal benefit of spending an additional billion dollars on primary public schools does not actually exceed its costs?  Then you will have immorally (I think) obstructed many people&#8217;s pursuit of their potentials.</p>
<p>At least in Will&#8217;s world, those who misallocate resources only hurt themselves (and others who willingly cooperate with their schemes).  And, they will likely improve their theories after each mistake and will do better next time.  Perhaps the investment in public goods will be suboptimal, but optimal investment in public goods in unavailable to human beings with imperfect knowledge.</p>
<p>In your world, there will be a bureaucracy that will systematically victimize innocents and will be unlikely to even recognize its mistakes in many cases, let alone learn from them and improve its behavior.</p>
<p>So, I ask you:  Even if a perfectly designed and executed restributive policy would be just, why should anyone think that an imperfect one executed by fallible human beings would be just?</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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	<item>
		<title>By: GilM</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7896</link>
		<dc:creator>GilM</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 18 Mar 2006 00:27:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7896</guid>
		<description>Liam,

I suspect that you would have to agree with me that the costs and benefits that you have discussed are extremely difficult (if not impossible) to measure accurately.

How does your theory address the inevitable errors in redistributive policies?

For example, what if (as I suspect) the marginal benefit of spending an additional billion dollars on primary public schools does not actually exceed its costs?  Then you will have immorally (I think) obstructed many people&#039;s pursuit of their potentials.

At least in Will&#039;s world, those who misallocate resources only hurt themselves (and others who willingly cooperate with their schemes).  And, they will likely improve their theories after each mistake and will do better next time.  Perhaps the investment in public goods will be suboptimal, but optimal investment in public goods in unavailable to human beings with imperfect knowledge.

In your world, there will be a bureaucracy that will systematically victimize innocents and will be unlikely to even recognize its mistakes in many cases, let alone learn from them and improve its behavior.

So, I ask you:  Even if a perfectly designed and executed restributive policy would be just, why should anyone think that an imperfect one executed by fallible human beings would be just?</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Liam,</p>
<p>I suspect that you would have to agree with me that the costs and benefits that you have discussed are extremely difficult (if not impossible) to measure accurately.</p>
<p>How does your theory address the inevitable errors in redistributive policies?</p>
<p>For example, what if (as I suspect) the marginal benefit of spending an additional billion dollars on primary public schools does not actually exceed its costs?  Then you will have immorally (I think) obstructed many people&#8217;s pursuit of their potentials.</p>
<p>At least in Will&#8217;s world, those who misallocate resources only hurt themselves (and others who willingly cooperate with their schemes).  And, they will likely improve their theories after each mistake and will do better next time.  Perhaps the investment in public goods will be suboptimal, but optimal investment in public goods in unavailable to human beings with imperfect knowledge.</p>
<p>In your world, there will be a bureaucracy that will systematically victimize innocents and will be unlikely to even recognize its mistakes in many cases, let alone learn from them and improve its behavior.</p>
<p>So, I ask you:  Even if a perfectly designed and executed restributive policy would be just, why should anyone think that an imperfect one executed by fallible human beings would be just?</p>
]]></content:encoded>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>By: Bral</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7884</link>
		<dc:creator>Bral</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 17 Mar 2006 22:14:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7884</guid>
		<description>Liam, it is fortunate that your task was not to lay out a set of policies that would allow society to distribute opportunities so that each person has an equal opportunity to adequately realize their primary capacities, because I don&#039;t think that you could do it.  This is not a personal failing of yours (I think you&#039;re more fit for sharing your ideas in this format than you seem to realize - not that I&#039;m any sort of expert), but a result of an impossible task.  Any writing that came close to succeeding at laying out those policies would have to be placed on the fiction shelves, as it would have only strained connections to our world.  In the real world, I doubt that any central planners would do better than a vibrant, thriving free market economy, of the sort that Will is always going on about.  If hundreds of millions of creative agents, interacting and cooperating in the production of their meaningful lives, do not live up to your ideal of equal opportunity for primary capacity realization, then what makes you think that we could improve on their efforts by bringing in the coercive power of the state?  This is especially true if we look beyond our own narrow, artificial &quot;society&quot;.  The kind of productivity and growth created by a more libertarian society will have enormous spillover benefits to people in the rest of the world (outside of what we mark off as &quot;our society&quot;) and to the people of the future, giving them a much better opportunity to realize their primary capacities than they would have had if our society turned inward and focused on redistribution rather than growth.

You seem to suggest that this productivity argument would be mistaken, since redistribution of wealth designed as an investment in primary capacities would more than pay for itself through increased productivity.  You happily assume that a government, formed out of a conglomeration of individuals with competing interests and a limited understanding of the very complicated and massive network of cooperation depending on humanity capacities, would be able to improve this system by fiat.  I don&#039;t think I need to spell out in any more detail why I might be skeptical.

The problem becomes more acute once we recognize, as you seemingly acknowledge by omission, that it&#039;s an open question what these primary capacities actually are.  It is up for dispute, as it rightfully should be in an open, liberal society, given the weightiness of the question and its close relation to personal values and identity.

It also seems like a fetishization of equality to limit our attention to the &quot;primary capacities&quot;, which are accessible to everyone, and necessary to everyone for the realization of one&#039;s good.  The capacity to excel in basketball, or in art, or in humor, or in philospohy, may not be open to everyone, but there is an enormous value to a society in which different people are able to excel at diverse capacities.  Think of Naismith&#039;s wondrously beneficial innovation - it is so valuable because it allowed a set of individuals who otherwise would not have had any particularly striking talents to thrive in a new niche.  Instead of letting &quot;equality&quot; stifle us into more efficiently pursuing the same old potentialities, let&#039;s create a society where innovation allows us to recognize potentialities that we&#039;d never known before.  We want a society in which more and more capacities become relevant, and become pathways to success, excellence, and meaning, so that larger and larger portions of society are able to flourish in multifarious ways.  Devoting an enormous set of resources to allowing everyone to &quot;adequately&quot; develop that limited set of common capacities so that their lives may reach that minimum standard of meaningfulness will not help us create this thriving society.  The society that is most effective at driving this kind of innovation and diversification of meaningful pursuits, again, looks a lot like Will&#039;s libertarian paradise.

I hope that this comment has come across as polite, since I&#039;m glad you&#039;ve jumped into the fray here, Liam (and I&#039;m a bit excited/nervous/apprehensive about jumping into the fray myself).  I know that it won&#039;t come across as a well-framed question, because it obviously is not, but I hope you&#039;ll be able to offer a response, since I&#039;m interested in hearing what you have to say.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Liam, it is fortunate that your task was not to lay out a set of policies that would allow society to distribute opportunities so that each person has an equal opportunity to adequately realize their primary capacities, because I don&#8217;t think that you could do it.  This is not a personal failing of yours (I think you&#8217;re more fit for sharing your ideas in this format than you seem to realize &#8211; not that I&#8217;m any sort of expert), but a result of an impossible task.  Any writing that came close to succeeding at laying out those policies would have to be placed on the fiction shelves, as it would have only strained connections to our world.  In the real world, I doubt that any central planners would do better than a vibrant, thriving free market economy, of the sort that Will is always going on about.  If hundreds of millions of creative agents, interacting and cooperating in the production of their meaningful lives, do not live up to your ideal of equal opportunity for primary capacity realization, then what makes you think that we could improve on their efforts by bringing in the coercive power of the state?  This is especially true if we look beyond our own narrow, artificial &#8220;society&#8221;.  The kind of productivity and growth created by a more libertarian society will have enormous spillover benefits to people in the rest of the world (outside of what we mark off as &#8220;our society&#8221;) and to the people of the future, giving them a much better opportunity to realize their primary capacities than they would have had if our society turned inward and focused on redistribution rather than growth.</p>
<p>You seem to suggest that this productivity argument would be mistaken, since redistribution of wealth designed as an investment in primary capacities would more than pay for itself through increased productivity.  You happily assume that a government, formed out of a conglomeration of individuals with competing interests and a limited understanding of the very complicated and massive network of cooperation depending on humanity capacities, would be able to improve this system by fiat.  I don&#8217;t think I need to spell out in any more detail why I might be skeptical.</p>
<p>The problem becomes more acute once we recognize, as you seemingly acknowledge by omission, that it&#8217;s an open question what these primary capacities actually are.  It is up for dispute, as it rightfully should be in an open, liberal society, given the weightiness of the question and its close relation to personal values and identity.</p>
<p>It also seems like a fetishization of equality to limit our attention to the &#8220;primary capacities&#8221;, which are accessible to everyone, and necessary to everyone for the realization of one&#8217;s good.  The capacity to excel in basketball, or in art, or in humor, or in philospohy, may not be open to everyone, but there is an enormous value to a society in which different people are able to excel at diverse capacities.  Think of Naismith&#8217;s wondrously beneficial innovation &#8211; it is so valuable because it allowed a set of individuals who otherwise would not have had any particularly striking talents to thrive in a new niche.  Instead of letting &#8220;equality&#8221; stifle us into more efficiently pursuing the same old potentialities, let&#8217;s create a society where innovation allows us to recognize potentialities that we&#8217;d never known before.  We want a society in which more and more capacities become relevant, and become pathways to success, excellence, and meaning, so that larger and larger portions of society are able to flourish in multifarious ways.  Devoting an enormous set of resources to allowing everyone to &#8220;adequately&#8221; develop that limited set of common capacities so that their lives may reach that minimum standard of meaningfulness will not help us create this thriving society.  The society that is most effective at driving this kind of innovation and diversification of meaningful pursuits, again, looks a lot like Will&#8217;s libertarian paradise.</p>
<p>I hope that this comment has come across as polite, since I&#8217;m glad you&#8217;ve jumped into the fray here, Liam (and I&#8217;m a bit excited/nervous/apprehensive about jumping into the fray myself).  I know that it won&#8217;t come across as a well-framed question, because it obviously is not, but I hope you&#8217;ll be able to offer a response, since I&#8217;m interested in hearing what you have to say.</p>
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	<item>
		<title>By: Bral</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7895</link>
		<dc:creator>Bral</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 17 Mar 2006 22:14:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7895</guid>
		<description>Liam, it is fortunate that your task was not to lay out a set of policies that would allow society to distribute opportunities so that each person has an equal opportunity to adequately realize their primary capacities, because I don&#039;t think that you could do it.  This is not a personal failing of yours (I think you&#039;re more fit for sharing your ideas in this format than you seem to realize - not that I&#039;m any sort of expert), but a result of an impossible task.  Any writing that came close to succeeding at laying out those policies would have to be placed on the fiction shelves, as it would have only strained connections to our world.  In the real world, I doubt that any central planners would do better than a vibrant, thriving free market economy, of the sort that Will is always going on about.  If hundreds of millions of creative agents, interacting and cooperating in the production of their meaningful lives, do not live up to your ideal of equal opportunity for primary capacity realization, then what makes you think that we could improve on their efforts by bringing in the coercive power of the state?  This is especially true if we look beyond our own narrow, artificial &quot;society&quot;.  The kind of productivity and growth created by a more libertarian society will have enormous spillover benefits to people in the rest of the world (outside of what we mark off as &quot;our society&quot;) and to the people of the future, giving them a much better opportunity to realize their primary capacities than they would have had if our society turned inward and focused on redistribution rather than growth.

You seem to suggest that this productivity argument would be mistaken, since redistribution of wealth designed as an investment in primary capacities would more than pay for itself through increased productivity.  You happily assume that a government, formed out of a conglomeration of individuals with competing interests and a limited understanding of the very complicated and massive network of cooperation depending on humanity capacities, would be able to improve this system by fiat.  I don&#039;t think I need to spell out in any more detail why I might be skeptical.

The problem becomes more acute once we recognize, as you seemingly acknowledge by omission, that it&#039;s an open question what these primary capacities actually are.  It is up for dispute, as it rightfully should be in an open, liberal society, given the weightiness of the question and its close relation to personal values and identity.

It also seems like a fetishization of equality to limit our attention to the &quot;primary capacities&quot;, which are accessible to everyone, and necessary to everyone for the realization of one&#039;s good.  The capacity to excel in basketball, or in art, or in humor, or in philospohy, may not be open to everyone, but there is an enormous value to a society in which different people are able to excel at diverse capacities.  Think of Naismith&#039;s wondrously beneficial innovation - it is so valuable because it allowed a set of individuals who otherwise would not have had any particularly striking talents to thrive in a new niche.  Instead of letting &quot;equality&quot; stifle us into more efficiently pursuing the same old potentialities, let&#039;s create a society where innovation allows us to recognize potentialities that we&#039;d never known before.  We want a society in which more and more capacities become relevant, and become pathways to success, excellence, and meaning, so that larger and larger portions of society are able to flourish in multifarious ways.  Devoting an enormous set of resources to allowing everyone to &quot;adequately&quot; develop that limited set of common capacities so that their lives may reach that minimum standard of meaningfulness will not help us create this thriving society.  The society that is most effective at driving this kind of innovation and diversification of meaningful pursuits, again, looks a lot like Will&#039;s libertarian paradise.

I hope that this comment has come across as polite, since I&#039;m glad you&#039;ve jumped into the fray here, Liam (and I&#039;m a bit excited/nervous/apprehensive about jumping into the fray myself).  I know that it won&#039;t come across as a well-framed question, because it obviously is not, but I hope you&#039;ll be able to offer a response, since I&#039;m interested in hearing what you have to say.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Liam, it is fortunate that your task was not to lay out a set of policies that would allow society to distribute opportunities so that each person has an equal opportunity to adequately realize their primary capacities, because I don&#8217;t think that you could do it.  This is not a personal failing of yours (I think you&#8217;re more fit for sharing your ideas in this format than you seem to realize &#8211; not that I&#8217;m any sort of expert), but a result of an impossible task.  Any writing that came close to succeeding at laying out those policies would have to be placed on the fiction shelves, as it would have only strained connections to our world.  In the real world, I doubt that any central planners would do better than a vibrant, thriving free market economy, of the sort that Will is always going on about.  If hundreds of millions of creative agents, interacting and cooperating in the production of their meaningful lives, do not live up to your ideal of equal opportunity for primary capacity realization, then what makes you think that we could improve on their efforts by bringing in the coercive power of the state?  This is especially true if we look beyond our own narrow, artificial &#8220;society&#8221;.  The kind of productivity and growth created by a more libertarian society will have enormous spillover benefits to people in the rest of the world (outside of what we mark off as &#8220;our society&#8221;) and to the people of the future, giving them a much better opportunity to realize their primary capacities than they would have had if our society turned inward and focused on redistribution rather than growth.</p>
<p>You seem to suggest that this productivity argument would be mistaken, since redistribution of wealth designed as an investment in primary capacities would more than pay for itself through increased productivity.  You happily assume that a government, formed out of a conglomeration of individuals with competing interests and a limited understanding of the very complicated and massive network of cooperation depending on humanity capacities, would be able to improve this system by fiat.  I don&#8217;t think I need to spell out in any more detail why I might be skeptical.</p>
<p>The problem becomes more acute once we recognize, as you seemingly acknowledge by omission, that it&#8217;s an open question what these primary capacities actually are.  It is up for dispute, as it rightfully should be in an open, liberal society, given the weightiness of the question and its close relation to personal values and identity.</p>
<p>It also seems like a fetishization of equality to limit our attention to the &#8220;primary capacities&#8221;, which are accessible to everyone, and necessary to everyone for the realization of one&#8217;s good.  The capacity to excel in basketball, or in art, or in humor, or in philospohy, may not be open to everyone, but there is an enormous value to a society in which different people are able to excel at diverse capacities.  Think of Naismith&#8217;s wondrously beneficial innovation &#8211; it is so valuable because it allowed a set of individuals who otherwise would not have had any particularly striking talents to thrive in a new niche.  Instead of letting &#8220;equality&#8221; stifle us into more efficiently pursuing the same old potentialities, let&#8217;s create a society where innovation allows us to recognize potentialities that we&#8217;d never known before.  We want a society in which more and more capacities become relevant, and become pathways to success, excellence, and meaning, so that larger and larger portions of society are able to flourish in multifarious ways.  Devoting an enormous set of resources to allowing everyone to &#8220;adequately&#8221; develop that limited set of common capacities so that their lives may reach that minimum standard of meaningfulness will not help us create this thriving society.  The society that is most effective at driving this kind of innovation and diversification of meaningful pursuits, again, looks a lot like Will&#8217;s libertarian paradise.</p>
<p>I hope that this comment has come across as polite, since I&#8217;m glad you&#8217;ve jumped into the fray here, Liam (and I&#8217;m a bit excited/nervous/apprehensive about jumping into the fray myself).  I know that it won&#8217;t come across as a well-framed question, because it obviously is not, but I hope you&#8217;ll be able to offer a response, since I&#8217;m interested in hearing what you have to say.</p>
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		<title>By: John Brothers</title>
		<link>http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7883</link>
		<dc:creator>John Brothers</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 17 Mar 2006 19:20:23 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2006/03/17/equality-of-opportunity-is-the-central-principle-of-distributive-justice/#comment-7883</guid>
		<description>Liam,

   If we all knew what our capacities were, we would not have any drive to find our limit, or to even wonder what our limit was.  I think that your idealized world, while perhaps optimal in distribution of labor and resources, would be rather like Hell, because no one would have any hope, and only the people at the top of each capacity tree would have incentives to reach the perfection of their skills.  If, across all possible paths, the best I could ever hope to do was to be the world&#039;s 3 millionth best software programmer, then what you have told me is that despite my best intentions and effort, my impact on the world will be essentially zero.  A public good?  I would call your proposal a public evil.

   Luckily, your proposed measurements cannot be made, so we are left to live lives of wonderful ignorance, striving to find ways to improve ourselves, hoping that we might &quot;make it big&quot;, despite the fact that more often than not, it will never happen.

  I am struck by how similar your idealized world sounds like the world of IT in &#039;A Wrinkle In Time&#039;.  IT&#039;s world was perfectly organized by capacity as well, if I recall correctly.

   I hope I was sufficiently polite in my dissent :)</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Liam,</p>
<p>   If we all knew what our capacities were, we would not have any drive to find our limit, or to even wonder what our limit was.  I think that your idealized world, while perhaps optimal in distribution of labor and resources, would be rather like Hell, because no one would have any hope, and only the people at the top of each capacity tree would have incentives to reach the perfection of their skills.  If, across all possible paths, the best I could ever hope to do was to be the world&#8217;s 3 millionth best software programmer, then what you have told me is that despite my best intentions and effort, my impact on the world will be essentially zero.  A public good?  I would call your proposal a public evil.</p>
<p>   Luckily, your proposed measurements cannot be made, so we are left to live lives of wonderful ignorance, striving to find ways to improve ourselves, hoping that we might &#8220;make it big&#8221;, despite the fact that more often than not, it will never happen.</p>
<p>  I am struck by how similar your idealized world sounds like the world of IT in &#8216;A Wrinkle In Time&#8217;.  IT&#8217;s world was perfectly organized by capacity as well, if I recall correctly.</p>
<p>   I hope I was sufficiently polite in my dissent <img src='http://willwilkinson.net/flybottle/wp-includes/images/smilies/icon_smile.gif' alt=':)' class='wp-smiley' /> </p>
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