Rorty Phones It In

Richard Rorty’s paper, “Philosopher-envy” in the new Daedalus issue on human nature is just trash. You’d think that someone who has given up rational argumentation would be a better rhetorician. Instead, Rorty seems like he’s just phoning it in. The sophism is almost too transparent to count as sophism. He must be tired. The paper smells like death.

Rorty goes after evolutionary psychology — Pinker in particular. His general argument has this form:

Everything the Pinkerites say is painfully obvious, we don’t need science to tell us what we already know, and nobody really disagrees with it. Also, it is totally irrelevant, so who cares? Hey, let’s try socialism! Why not?

Here is Rorty on the idea of a theory of human nature:

What these philosophers doubt [that is, what Rorty, via the usual Rorty-ized history of philosophy sock puppets, doubts] is that factoring out the role of genes in making us different from one another, or tracing what we have in common back to evolutionary needs of our ancestors, will give us anything appropriately labeled ‘a theory of human nature.’ For such theories are supposed to be normative — to provide guidance.

Nope. No argument forthcoming. So, I will powerfully counter-assert: a theory of human nature is NOT supposed to be normative. Take that Richard Rorty! A theory of human nature, or at least a theory of homo sapiens is supposed to tell us what we are like and how we got to be that way. Such theories need tell us no more about what we ought to be like than the theory of the big bang need tell us what the universe ought to be.

Science can tell us a lot about the space of possibility, however. And because ‘ought’ implies ‘can’, there is a straightforward link from the descriptive to the normative. Because a theory of human nature can tell us a lot about what we can’t do, and what won’t work, we can learn a lot about what we shouldn’t do.

Now Rorty will probably want to say that there is no fact of the matter about what we are like and how we got that way, or that we have no objective access to the facts (what’s a fact!), and that there are just stories, and that any story we tell is going to be infected with all sorts of normative assumptions, and so our theory will just be a moralizing fairy tale anyway. So why not cut out the descriptive song and dance and go straightaway to talking about how we ought to live? But Rorty doesn’t make this argument.

He just wants to say that whatever we find out about the constitution of human beings, it doesn’t make any difference. Which is plain stupid.

Rorty argues that

The question “Is our humanity a biological or a cultural matter?” is as sterile as “Are our actions determined or do we have free will?” No concrete result in genetics, or physics, or any emprical discipline will help answer either bad question. We will go right on deliberating about what to do, and holding each other responsible for actions, even if we become convinced that every thought we have, and every move we make, will have been predicted by an omniscient neurologist. We will go right on experimenting with new lifestyles, new ideas and new social institutions, even if we became convinced that, deep down, everything depends on our genetic makeup.

Now, I agree, with caveats, with the point about free will. But the parallel to biology’s relation to “social experimentation” is just so transparently bad that we’ve got to wonder why Rorty’s even bothering. Does he assume that members of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences are retarded?

In one sense he’s of course right. Yes. We will continue experimenting, no matter what we think about ourselves. But that’s not his point. He’s implying that our experimentation will go on unaffacted by our biological beliefs in the way that our practices of assigning praise and blame are unaffacted by our beliefs about free will. Yet, obviously if we come to sincerely believe, via good science, that some lifestyles and social institution are bound for failure we will tend not to try them. And that can be a huge blessing for humanity.

People in North Korea are eating each other because other people sincerely believed Marx’s theory that the human essence varies with the socio-economic context in which it is embedded. It’s not just that some preferences are endogenous to social structure (no doubt true), but that human psychology as such is endogenous to social structure, and so human psychology cannot be an exogenous constraint on “experimentation.” This is probably the deadliest idea in human history. And it’s just incredibly hard to give credence to the idea that it makes no difference whether or not we discover that some social goals are impossible due to they way that people are

When Pinker draws on some finding of evolutionary psychology to make some kind of social point, Rorty dismisses it as old news. Science tells us nothing we didn’t already know. “Pinker describes facts familiar to Homer and Herodotus as exhibiting ‘nonobvious aspects of human nature.’” Rorty implies that if Homer and Herodotus have said it, then it must be obvious. But, no, Homer and Herodotus have stood the test of time because of their insight, their ability to illuminate nonobvious truths about ourselves. And of course, others have made claims about human nature diametrically opposed to those of Homer and Herodotus. And so evolutionary psychology is quite usefully helping to settle the argument.

The kernel of Rorty’s bad argument comes in this passage:

Post-Galilean science does not tell us what is really real or really important. It has no metaphysical or moral implications. Instead, it enables us to do things that we had not previously been able to do. When it became empirical and experimental, it lost both its metaphysical pretensions and the ability to set new ends for human beings to strive for. It gained the ability to provide new means.

There are too many things wrong with this passage to enumerate. Modern science is full of metaphysical implications. If our best theory quantifies over something, then modern science is telling us that that something is “really real.” And it’s hard to follow how enabling us to do things we couldn’t do before has no moral implications. Morality is about thinking about what to do. And if new things keep showing up in the feasible set, due to scientific innovation, then we have more options open to us — more things that we might do. That’s just straightforwardly morally relevant. And, to take another tack on it, a billion people may well have starved to death had it not been for Borlaug’s “green revolution.” Whether or not a thousand million people live or die is a matter of no moral relevance?

Of course, what Rorty is trying to say, in his amazingly cavalier fashion, is that science can’t pin down what exactly we should be aiming at. And, yes. But that’s incredibly boring.

Rorty goes on:

But every so often a scientist like Pinker tries to have it both ways, and to suggest that science can provide empirical evidence to show that some ends are preferable to others.

This doesn’t follow. I agree that science doesn’t establish ultimate ends. But everything that is not an ultimate end is not merely a means. Some ends are partly constitutive of ultimate ends. And science can help us understand which ends together may succesfully constitute our ultimate end(s).

A physicist can provide an architect with evidence that a certain kind of structure will necessarily collapse. Now, the physicist doesn’t tell us whether to prefer non-collapsing or collapsing structures. But she can tell us that if you want a non-collapsing structure, don’t do this. Similarly, if we want individual happiness, or a stable social order that minimizes suffering, say, then we need science to tell us what constitutes happiness, what the empirical conditions for social order are, etc. And science can be extremely helpful in ruling things out.

That’s why, I guess, Rorty is so antagonized by the whole business of actually finding out about what people are really like. It may turn out that his arational political commitments are precisely the sort of thing that get ruled out. And we can’t risk that.

Here’s his conclusion:

The dreams of socialists, feminists, and others have produced profound changes in Western social life, and may lead to vast changes in the life of the species as a whole. Nothing that natural science tells us should discourage us from dreaming further dreams.

[link added]

I think I just threw up a little in my mouth.

Social Security Crisis on Infinite Earths

Yglesias seems to be on a one man “there is no social security crisis” crusade. Now, it’s true that no one is going to perish in a mangled, fiery, blood-soaked heap of runaway social security next week, or even next decade. But let me say a couple things. (There will be MUCH MUCH MUCH more in coming months).

First, we are approaching something very like a comprehensive fiscal crisis. Check out Jagadeesh Gokhale’s and Keith Smetters’s paper on the “Fiscal Imbalance” or “FI.” The FI is “current federal debt held by the public plus the present value of all projected federal non-interest spending, minus all projected federal receipts.” A sustainable fiscal policy has an FI of zero. The estimated FI is about $47 trillion. That’s real money. To get the gravity of the problem, think about this: Holding other options fixed we could wipe out the FI if we (pick one):

– raised federal income tax collections by 70.1%.
– raised payroll tax collections by 96.7% [!].
– cut discretionary spending by 107.8%. [Impossible!!!]
– cut Social Security & Medicare outlays 45.9%.

(This stuff is above is neatly packaged in Shaviro’s Regulation paper.)

Clearly, a real solution will be some combination of spending cuts, small tax increases (big raises can cost more is distortion than they bring in in revenue) and Social Security and Medicare reform. It is just not possible to correct the massive FI by tinkering around the edges of the major entitlement programs until they really are in a genuine crisis.

Second point! This is way more important. The case for social security reform by no means depends on the existence of a crisis. Social Security as it exists is extremely bad public policy. A reform package like Cato’s is both a practical and moral improvement. It eliminates the budgetary burden of social security over the long haul. It places retirement largely outside the fickle, unstable and risky context of politics. It meets a demand of justice in expanding and strengthening property rights over the fruits of one’s labor. It meets a demand of justice by creating a system where people internalize responsibility for their own long-term welfare. It meets a demand of justice by broadening the class of stakeholders in a healthy, stable, high-growth market liberal order.

That’s the argument for social security reform. If there wasn’t even a prospect of a crisis, if the current system was infinitely sustainable in fiscal terms, we still ought to adopt something like the Cato plan on grounds of justice.

Summary: (1) all the “there is no crisis” noise irresponsibly evades the broader looming fiscal crisis in which social security outlays figure massively; (2) even if no crisis loomed, we should still switch to a system of personal accounts on grounds of justice; (3) In the face of “no crisis” arguments, proponents of reform should place Social Security in the larger economic context, and then move on to the abundant practical and moral merits of the reform proposal. Don’t allow the independent moral case get lost in crisis vs. no crisis minutiae.

The Illusory Aura of Ivy

Salam, Douthat, and Menashi have taken over at AndrewSullivan.com. Weirdness ensues, and it’s almost entirely Reihan’s fault (or to Reihan’s credit). Anyway, good stuff, at least that which is non-free-associative enough to comprehend.

The exchange between Reihan and Douthat about the pointlessness of affirmative action at elite schools reminded me of Marie Gryphon’s talk on affirmative action at a Cato panel this summer. (Check out Marie’s talk and replies in the newest Cato Policy Report.) Here’s the bit I had in mind:

But contrary to what many assume, attending a selective school does not raise student incomes, regardless of race. This is an important new finding. A couple of years ago, economists Stacy Dale and Alan Krueger generated shockwaves by solving a persistent problem of older research on this issue. They compared students who were accepted to Cornell, for example, and went to Cornell, to students who were accepted to Cornell but chose, for reasons of their own, to attend a less selective school, like the University of Washington. Comparing students with identical acceptances allowed them to control for all of the factors that colleges consider when they accept students. Dale and Krueger found that when genuinely equivalent students are compared, those who attended the fancier schools make no more money at all—not an extra dime—than students who attended the less selective schools. The idea that the Ivy League will make you rich is just another part of the myth. The Dale and Krueger paper, by the way, is in the Quarterly Journal of Economics, Fall 2002, in case you need to print it out and give it to that neighbor who is so proud that his son got into Penn early admission this year.

This is an extremely satisfying finding to people like me who did not attend prestigious schools, but who fancy that there is a very nearby possible world in which they were admitted to Princeton. Now, I find that this news is not entirely welcome in DC, a town choked in Ivy. As Reihan or Ross point out, pedigree really matters in the reputation- (and not so much money-) based nepotistic professions, like academia and journalism (I could never have been a TNR “reporter-researcher” like Reihan or my eminent Columbian housemate). And it is of course from journalists and academics from whom we receive our opinions about things like affirmative action. So we should not be surprised that the transformative effects of Yale are rather overplayed.

Solstice is the Reason for the Season

Good Reason piece by Julian about the absolutely idiotic “Merry Christmas” controversy. I really dislike that one self-righteous athiest guy in the small town who calls the ACLU because there was a prayer before the public high school football game. And I really dislike the self-righteous Christian who thinks that an earnest attempt at inclusion in a pluralistic society is tantamount to an attack on Christendom. Oh, I don’t know, why not just say what you like, and let other people say what they like, and when they say something other than what you would have said, say to yourself, hey, that’s alright, that’s how they roll. Really, it’s easy if you try.

And, hey Christians! Jesus wasn’t born in December, anyway. Solstice truly is the reason for the season! Happy Solstice!

Are Libertarians Cheerier?

Just an observation. Going through my blog roll, I noticed that the libertarian blogs have a rather cheerier general tone than both the left and right blogs. I find this interesting, because surely things are going not-so-well for us in political terms. The left seems extremely dyspeptic and chicken-littely these days. The right seems gloating, dumb, and ham-fisted. Why so chipper, friends? Well, we’re perennial losers, so it doesn’t get us down. And it probably helps a lot if you can enjoy, guilt-free, the full range of pleasures offered by an advanced consumer culture. Despite all the big-government badness that daily assails us, I am nonetheless daily delighted by the cultural plenitude I enjoy. The happiness research seems to show that one thing that can make you more happier on a daily basis is a spirit of gratitude. Do you suppose libertarians are more grateful for capitalism? Yeah computer! Yeah The Arcade Fire. Yeah The Kleptones! Yeah new USB drive. Yeah books from Amazon that just came in the mail! Yeah Guacamole Doritos! Yeah Filene’s Basement where I just bought very nice gloves for thirty minutes wages! Yeah free Moveable Type! Yeah cheap Dreamhost! Yeah all the folks rich and not so rich who pay for the Cato Institute! Yeah Yeah Yeah!

Wake Up!

I find that I am unreasonably obsessed with “Wake Up” from the Arcade Fire’s Funeral. It’s just so dramatic! You can hear a stream at the Merge Records site.

(Remember, I said “unreasonably,” although Pitchfork gave the album a 9.7, so maybe it’s not just me, although I think the PF review is extraordinarily over-earnest.)

We Don't Need No Stinkin' Baseball

MLB’s extortion efforts seem to be falling apart here in the district! Jim Henley is your go-to man for reliable libertarian baseball analysis. Here. Here. Here.

For Carol Schwartz fans, here this tidbit from the NYT:

“I can just picture the baseball owners high-fiving each other until they collapsed from exhaustion” after reaching their deal with Mr. Williams, said Councilwoman Carol Schwartz.

Well, you showed ‘em Carol. Good work.

I admit it: I will be pretty disappointed if baseball stays away. But if it’s a choice between successful extortion or baseball staying away, that’s easy.

[UPDATE: A very reasonable column from Jim Caple at ESPN. I'm truly disgusted by the way sports journos and radio guys insist on doing their macho routine 24/7 and then go into a spurned welfare queen hissy when the subsidies for their adolescent hobbies don't come through. It's a really, really sad example of concentrated benefits/diffuse cost logic. So good for you Jim Caple!]

What is Big Government?

It’s not really obvious to me. One thing I don’t think it can be is the amount of taxing and spending.

Here is a little thought experiment to illustrate the idea that the “size” of government should not be confused with the amount of money the government takes in through taxes and spends through its various programs. Imagine that you live in a country where the government taxes each citizen at a rate of 100%. Your paycheck withholding is, well, your entire paycheck. However, your government has only two programs. First, it takes 1% of total revenue and spends it on a massive monthly fireworks display. Second, it sends each taxpayer a check worth 98% of the amount withheld in taxes. (The remaining 1% is deadweight loss from transactions costs.) So here we have a government that takes in all of the national income and “spends” it all. Yet the government consists only of the Department of Fireworks and the Department of Revenue and Check Cutting. Is that “big” government?

What do you think it means to have a “big” or “small” government?

[UPDATE: Lots of interesting comments and good suggestions below. In his excellent article in Regulation (PDF), Daniel Shaviro of NYU Law distinguishes between thinking of govt. size in "allocative" terms--how much of the economy is directed by the govt.--and "distributional" terms--the extent to which resources get moved around from one person to another. These can come apart. I think this is a useful distinction. But I think the issue about "size" tends to obscure the primary normative issue. If we had a very cheap and efficient govt. that very cheaply and efficiently interfered with almost everything that everyone did almost all the time, the "size" of the impact of govt. on our lives would be huge, regardless of budget in/outflows.

The question is which forms of interference are morally justifiable, or preferable. For instance, Cato's SS reform plan, although in some sense "expensive," saves trillions compared to the extrapolated status quo. But that's not the relevant issue. And I'm not primarily interested in the fact that money going into and paying out of personal accounts reduces the "size" of government in terms of budget in/outflows. That's interesting only because it correlates with the real issue. What I'm interested in is the fact that a program of personal accounts more closely approximates justice by strengthening property rights over the fruits of one's labor (and thereby enhancing liberty), by helping people to internalize responsibility for their retirements, and broadening the coalition of people with a real stake in the stability, integrity, and growth of a well-ordered market liberal society. If moving toward the achievement of these ends temporarily increased the "size" of government in some accounting sense, I don't think we should be worried. "Size" only matters in the relevant sense of "size."]